Wednesday, December 31, 2008

The Reality of the "Cycle of Violence"

One of the common refrains in discussing the Israeli-Palestinian-Arab conflict is to implore the "cycle of violence", which sees the conflict in morally neutral terms where the parties are primarily responding to each other's military actions.

Israel's military efforts are typically in response to multiple attacks by its enemies, such as its current military campaign in response to months of rockets attacks by Hamas into Israel or the 2006 campaign in Lebanon against Hezbollah after their capture of Israel soldiers.

On the other hand, the terror groups initiate the use of low-intensity military attacks as a core part of their strategy to weaken Israel's resolve. If they didn't launch such attacks, there wouldn't be the frequent military clashes involving Israel and the terror groups.

And we now have the recurring spectacle of the UN and European Union repeating their refrain and seeking a cease-fire, and in the process trying to prevent Israel from inflicting substantial damage on Hamas.

If Europe, the UN, and others really want to stop the "cycle of violence", then they need to let Israel deliver a truly devastating military blow against Hamas. While that won't guarantee peace, it would begin to change the strategic calculation of Hamas, Hezbollah, and their supporters.

From their warped perspective, the ongoing military struggle against Israel is working: Israel pulled out of Lebanon, pulled out of Gaza, and has offered unprecedented concessions on Palestinian statehood - so why stop now? If the terror groups saw that the international community won't come to its defense anymore when Israel responds militarily, it would over time help produce the perspective needed for lasting peace: the desire of the terrorists, Palestinians, and their supporters to genuinely live in peace with Israel.

Saturday, December 27, 2008

Three Remarkable Words

My local YMCA has various written signs posted depicting the values the Y seeks to instill and foster.  One sign that has long impressed me reads "Realism, Idealism, Optimism".  These three words capture a reality-oriented, positive outlook on life.  

The importance of realism lies in the need for us to confront reality as it exists, and not as we may wish it to be.  You can't know what to do, or seek to change something for the better, without an honest appraisal of what's happening.

Idealism reflects the importance of having a commitment to acting ethically and seeking to make your life, and the world around you, a better place.

And optimism reflects the view that life, despite its many challenges and hardships, is often a happy one or can be made so.  In effect, a commitment to reality with a passion to improve one's life should correspond to an optimistic outlook.

A remarkable three words to guide our life and our actions. 


Monday, December 22, 2008

The Line of Pigs at the Trough is Up the Hill

Property developers are the latest to come hat in hand looking for government aid. They are asking to be included in a new $200 billion loan program initially created to help the markets for car loans, student loans, and credit card debt.

Unlike financial institutions (and arguably auto companies), if a commercial real estate property defaults on its debt, its business doesn't cease to operate. The real estate doesn't disappear, and the property will continue to "operate" and provide value to its tenants. Instead, the developers lose most if not all of their equity as creditors' claims are restructured, and creditors most likely also lose money.

And if in the days ahead we hear of risks to banks that real estate loan defaults entail, then that specific problem can be addressed directly with the bank(s) effected through actions like the good bank / bad bank restructuring recently undertaken with Citigroup.

The government must stop its bailout activity, both to protect taxpayers and to encourage businesses to focus on solutions to their problems away from a political solution.


Sunday, December 21, 2008

Liberty's Friends

In this season of giving, I want to take the opportunity to identify a number of organizations who fight for the cause of liberty across a wide front.  Whether you contribute to their efforts financially, sign up to get emails of their activities, or peruse their web sites, I encourage you to learn more about these groups who are important advocates of freedom.

The Moving Picture Institute (MPI) promotes films that espouse a pro-freedom agenda.  Think of the success of Michael Moore's documentaries from a leftist perspective, and you can see the power of film to promote in an immediate and emotionally powerful way views.  One of MPI's great successes has been promoting The Singing Revolution, an inspiring story of how the people of Estonia struggled to free themselves from Soviet oppression - through the power of singing.

The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) defends individual rights at America's colleges and universities.  FIRE has had great success in exposing restrictions on free speech and politically-motivated suspensions/dismissals of students and professors for having the temerity to speak their mind.  The fact that FIRE's work is so important is as sad a commentary as any on the deplorable state of our institutions of higher learning.

The Institute of Justice (IJ) is a public interest law firm dedicated to protecting individual rights through litigation.  For example, IJ has defended homeowners subject to eminent domain in the Kelo case that went to the U.S. Supreme Court.

The Independent Women's Forum (IWF) is a voice for women who favor economic liberty and 
personal responsibility who find that other women's groups don't speak for them.

The Claremont Institute seeks to restore the principles of America's Founding to a preeminent role in public policy.  The website contains many interesting articles.

The Cato Institute is the most prominent libertarian think tank, seeking to influence public policy.  Similarly, The Heritage Foundation is the most prominent conservative think tank.

There are a number of websites that are advocates of novelist/philosopher Ayn Rand and her pro-freedom views, including:  The Ayn Rand Center for Individual Rights and The Atlas Society.   

The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice is a leading advocate of school choice.

Other groups whose work I found interesting include The Manhattan Institute and the American Council on Science and Health.

We are fortunate that freedom has these and other advocates, since they provide the organizational capacity to promote and defend freedom.

Saturday, December 20, 2008

The Audacity of Power

One of the more disturbing elements of the recent Presidential campaign was the attempt to smear Joe Wurzelbacher (aka "Joe the Plumber") for having the temerity to ask Barack Obama a question. For that offense, Joe was treated to a media assault and government investigations.

In addition to the media barrage against Joe which ranks as one of the new lows for politically-driven journalism, Ohio state officials searched through confidential records to dig up dirt to impugn his credibility.

It is good to see this week that this attack on an ordinary citizen will lead to the loss of jobs for Helen Jones-Kelley, who led the investigation into Joe's background, along with Doug Thompson and Fred Williams who participated in it.

Ohio Governor Ted Strickland (D) is still deciding whether he will sign a Republican-led bill directed at state employees who improperly use personal information.

Let's hope these negative repercussions to those with the Audacity of Power act as a deterrent to others. Joe, and all of us, deserve better.

The Line of Pigs at the Trough is Around the Block

This week, the Carnegie Corporation took out ads in the New York Times and Washington Post, signed by 36 universities and education association, calling on the federal government to provide $45 billion to aid to construct new facilities - particularly "green" ones.

Universities are already enormous beneficiaries of government support, from direct aid and grants to indirect aid from student loans and grants that help pay tuition that increases much faster than inflation.

But with President-elect Obama calling for a spending plan that is estimated to exceed $750 billion, the universities must be operating on the old adage: nothing ventured, nothing gained.

Thursday, December 18, 2008

Chrysler Bailout Revisited

In 1979, the federal government bailed out Chrysler by guaranteeing $1.5 billion of debt. This bailout is generally considered successful because Chrysler survived, and the government made money on the equity stake it received.

Despite this, there is a good case to be made that it proved harmful to the auto industry and contributed to the sector's current crisis.

Absent the 1979 bailout, Chrysler would probably have ceased to be an independent company, probably merging with GM. If so, GM and Ford would have had one less competitor for nearly 30 years, improving their market share and profits - probably making them financially stronger and in less distress today.

Moreover, the Chrysler bailout signaled to the auto industry and UAW that the government would come to their aid in tough times. This would reduce the pressure for the companies and the UAW to make the difficult changes to restructure and improve the industry's viability.

Of course, this is speculative, since even with higher market share and profits, it isn't certain that GM and Ford would be financially stronger today. Perhaps the UAW would have extracted the additional profits for their members. Or the companies might have felt less pressure to enact the changes they have implemented.

But it seems clear the Chrysler bailout didn't help the industry, further demonstrating the dangers from government interference in the market.

Monday, December 15, 2008

Mississippi Suffers for Detroit's Woes

Toyota announced today that it is suspending construction of a new auto plant in Mississippi. If GM and/or Chrysler were allowed to go bankrupt, perhaps Toyota would believe that it could increase its market share and complete this new plant.

And whether it is this plant or additional output at existing factories a bailout of the Big Three may take jobs away from workers employed at Ford(which isn't suffering to the same degree as GM and Chrysler) and the US factories of Toyota, Honda and other foreign auto makers.

The burdens and negative effects of government intervention are often diffuse and hard to see, as compared to the direct benefit of "saving jobs" at the Big Three.

Toyota's suspension of building its new factory, and the ensuing loss of construction and auto worker jobs, helps illustrate these very real costs.

Saturday, December 13, 2008

Compassionate Conservatism

After Senate Republicans courageously demanded a genuine restructuring of the Big Three that would have a bona fide chance of making them viable, President Bush has inexplicable given the UAW a huge victory by agreeing to use TARP funds to bailout the Big Three - after vowing not to do so.

Let's be clear: the Big Three have no chance of being viable companies if they pay above-market wages, and Senate Republicans were insisting that auto workers receive market, but not above-market, wages. In addition, the Senate plan would have required the auto makers' creditors to take a 2/3 loss, further enhancing their viability.

The UAW clearly has a veto over the Democratic party, since Senate Democrats could have accepted the Republican bill over UAW objections. But why should they if President Bush will cave and bailout Detroit anyway? And note that the President couldn't even let a few days pass, to see if the UAW or Democrats could propose another solution.

My take is that this represents the latest manifestation of Bush's governing philosophy, compassionate conservatism. Unfortunately, this approach has turned into a wholesale abandonment of free-market principles that Bush claims he advocates and that has been one of the defining characteristics of the Republican party since Ronald Reagan.

Under Bush, the government has created a massive new entitlement program that adds trillions of dollars in liabilities (the Medicare drug benefit); partnered with noted conservative Ted Kennedy to pass a huge expansion of the federal government's role in education (No Child Left Behind); presided over an explosion of non-defense/homeland security spending (originally thought to buy Congressional support for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, but perhaps that is being too generous to the President); and implemented TARP to rescue the financial system.

And now Bush is promoting an auto bailout in opposition to Republicans in Congress.

It is a sordid record that has vastly expanded the scope of the government's powers and intrusion into the lives of every American.

These efforts are the genuine threat to our liberties, and not the alleged problems in the fight against terrorism.

Thursday, December 11, 2008

Promises Made, Promises Broken

Barack Obama continues to retreat from various campaign pledges. Recently, one of his transition spokesman said that with oil prices below $50 a barrel, a windfall profits tax on oil company earnings (an additional tax on top of the corporate income tax) is a dead issue.

Well, if you really believe in such a tax, wouldn't it be good to have it in place in case oil prices rise in the future?

Or does Obama prefer to avoid a fight when there is no loot to be had in the near-term?

Or was it just campaign rhetoric to help get elected?

Wednesday, December 10, 2008

The Nationalization of the U.S. Auto Industry

George Bush, a conservative Republican who in 2006 said the auto industry wouldn't get government aid (the auto makers problems aren't exactly new), is supporting an auto bailout that can't pass without his support.

Newt Gingrich, an articulate defender of conservative principles, complains about billionaires in the financial services industry getting federal money even though he says he would have reluctantly voted for TARP.

John McCain in the campaign was silent on Democratic support for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which support significantly contributed to the financial crisis.

What has made these, and most, Republican leaders incapable of articulating a thoughtful points about the financial crisis?

Do they not understand the issues? Do they fear that won't get a proper airing of their views from a liberal-dominated media? Are they unable or unwilling to make the moral case for capitalism?

It is probably some combination of all of the above, and it has left the country bereft of a proper debate on the profound issues facing us.

Instead, we are told that the auto bailout has "tough" provisions that limit dividends and executive compensation. Here is a bit of news: the auto companies can't pay dividends anyway, and executive compensation levels aren't the problem - the above-market compensation paid to the auto workers is.

Democratic leaders say that all auto constituents will suffer losses, but the only way to see that happen in an economically-relevant way is for the bankruptcy process to run its course.

The bailout is ostensibly about making the Big Three viable, but if so, the Democrats wouldn't be hell-bent on dictating that they make fuel efficient cars and preventing them from opposing state efforts to regulate car emissions - since both efforts will reduce their profitability at a time when they are desperate for profits.

The bailout is supposedly about saving the U.S. auto industry, but since it is only GM and Chrysler who are looking for money as Ford is in much better condition, Ford's position would likely improve, probably significantly, if GM and Chrysler filed for bankruptcy. Demand for Ford cars would increase if buyers fled GM and Chrysler, increasing its ability to survive. No one dares mention that, since it undermines the case for a bailout.

Most importantly, no one is explaining why, if you oppose TARP, you must oppose the auto bailout. Nor is anyone explaining why, if you reluctantly support TARP, it still makes sense to oppose the auto bailout. So here it goes:

TARP is about preserving the financial system, which means protecting the creditors of banks. The banks' creditors are individuals with savings/checking accounts, business with similar accounts, and other financial institutions. If a bank fails, its creditors lose access to their money until the bankruptcy process resolves the matter, which for banks can take years to sort out given the vast size of their assets and liabilities. And the financial institutions whose money is frozen in a failed bank are now themselves at risk of failing, with their own set of creditors who suffer similar losses.

Ultimately, the net creditors are all of us. And this daisy chain of collapsing banks can take a recession and turn it into a depression, since the resulting contraction in money supply and credit availability means every industry and consumer is hobbled if not devastated in their ability to prosper. This is what turned the recession of 1929 into the Great Depression of the 1930's.

That can't be said of any other industry, due to the unique role that money and credit play in our economy. Period.

TARP is about preventing such a collapse. It is possible (although not certain) the use of the FDIC to insure deposits and other bank liabilities, combined with an aggressive merger effort to direct weak banks into the arms of strong ones, might have sufficed to get us through the crisis without the government directly investing money in the banks. Republicans in the House proposed this in the TARP debate but got little media attention.

But none of this is true for the auto companies. They have had profound problems for decades, losing market share and bleeding losses for so long that they are shells of their former greatness. There is no more value to be extracted by the UAW, nor to satisfy the environmental agenda of the left that forces them to make unprofitable smaller cars given their high costs.

The two biggest banks, Citigroup and JP Morgan, made $88 billion during 2005-2007. So there is hope that the government's investment in them will turn a profit, since they and other banks have a recent track record of strong profitability. This is simply not the case with GM and Ford, who lost $65 billion in the same period, a time of strong economic growth. They have deeply unprofitable business models that require extensive changes to rectify.

Bankruptcy is the place where such a restructuring can occur, due to the opportunity to change contract terms and reduce liabilities that bankruptcy law affords.

Thus, a government bailout defers the tough decisions, and will simply leave taxpayers with loses on their new auto investment and the economy poorer with the waste of resources.

Instead, we have the prospect of the nationalization of our auto industry, making a mockery of our founding principles, the economic system that has produced our unprecedented wealth, and the lesson America has shown to the world. The shining city on the hill that America has stood for now has a long line of supplicants stretching around the block looking for bailouts and subsidies.

Now we act like the semi-socialist states of Europe and elsewhere.

And to think people mocked the criticism that Barack Obama's tax plan is socialistic. The only thing to say in his defense is that the auto bailout makes his tax plan seem mild by comparison.

Tuesday, December 9, 2008

The Audacity of Power

The arrest of Illinois' governor Rod Blagojevich on corruption charges, including his alleged attempt to be paid for appointing a replacement for Barack Obama's Senate seat, is staggering in its audacity.

Perhaps we should call it the Audacity of Power.

With Tony Rezko, Barack Obama's "acquaintance" and sometimes real estate partner, waiting for sentencing, let' hope that Chicago's corrupt political culture doesn't migrate to Washington in the new administration.

Monday, December 8, 2008

The Line of Pigs at the Trough Has Spilled into the Street

Not content with getting their share of state aid, the mayors of many of America's largest cities called on the federal government to provide funding directly to cities, in addition to aid to the states, in light of the recession.

The number of supplicants for federal aid keeps on growing.

Sunday, December 7, 2008

A Day that Will Live in Infamy

67 years ago today, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor and propelled America into a global war.

We must always remember and honor those, such as my father, who served in our military, who simultaneously fought and won two enormous wars against major industrial powers - Germany and Japan.  

Such a struggle makes our current effort in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan pale in comparison.


Bailout Madness

In the auto bailout negotiations, Democratic leaders want the legislation to prevent the Big Three from using any of the money provided to fund lawsuits challenging state emissions laws.

No private investor would ever demand such a condition to making a loan or investment. If it was in the best interest of the auto maker to file such a lawsuit, the investor would support doing so.

So the Democrats want to bailout the auto companies today, and continue to hamstring them in their ability to compete and be profitable.

Saturday, December 6, 2008

Looters' Paradise

News reports indicate that Congressional leaders and the Bush administration are working on an interim $14 billion bailout that is intended to keep GM and Chrysler afloat until March until a more permanent solution can be devised.

Characterized as a "down payment" since the Big Three asked for $34 billion, we should assume that once the government starts funding the auto makers, they will get whatever sums are needed to keep them afloat. Otherwise, to have granted money but to have them later fail will be perceived a bigger political failure than cutting off funding.

So while "down payment" seems a poor choice of words to characterize spending $14 billion and 40% of the ask, I suspect it will be a small portion of the money eventually committed to the auto industry before we are through with this

Among the many things that can be said about this, I want to highlight a few.

First, it is deeply offensive that some jobs are more politically-favored than others. It is said that the report that the economy lost 533,000 jobs in November is further encouraging Congress to bail out the auto makers. In fact, it should have the opposite effect. The companies, and their employees, that employed the 533,000 who lost jobs last month, and the nearly 2 million who have lost jobs in the past year, sure would have liked a bail out. I guess UAW workers are more deserving than others.

Second, if the auto makers are correct that customers won't buy their cars if they file for bankruptcy (and I'm not sure that it isn't just a scare tactic), the bail out is helping GM and Chrysler at the expense of Ford. Ford's financial position is much stronger than GM's and Chrysler's, since its restructuring efforts have been more comprehensive and it raised more financing when it could. For those who want to protect the historical American auto makers, bankruptcy won't change that - Ford will thrive.

There is a case for sympathy for the Big Three, but it bears no relation to today's political environment. The auto makers have been severely hobbled by many regulations that have imposed on them excessive costs and limited their flexibility to adapt to changing market conditions:
  • Labor-friendly legislation has tilted the negotiating leverage toward the UAW, allowing auto workers to have above-market compensation and benefits that have drained their employers
  • Fuel efficiency standards have forced them to make more fuel efficient cars at a loss with expensive UAW labor
  • State franchising laws have made it more difficult and expensive to reduce the number of dealers as their market share has declined
If the government said it was eliminating all of these constraints, then there is a case that the auto makers can be viable and a bailout would be less offensive. Of course, if the government eliminated these constraints, investors might be willing to provide the capital to get over the current period of stress. But no private investor wants to touch such profoundly unsound businesses, given these constraints and knowing that politicians see the auto makers as part of their ideological agenda to produce green cars with expensive union labor.

It is deeply sad what has befallen the industry, particularly to GM. It was once the great innovator, overtaking the early industry leader (Ford) through aggressive competition and new product innovation. It was the world's largest industrial enterprise for many decades, during which it took a principled stand for free markets in its lobbying efforts. And its vast industrial capacity helped us win World War II.

So by virtue of its strengths, it became a target for government regulations to extract concessions and be the vehicle for pursuing political goals.

Its current state is a tragic and profound example of the results from this politically-driven looting, with no end in sight.

Friday, December 5, 2008

The Doomsday Clock: 11:55 pm and Counting

For years, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists has published its Doomsday Clock, a hypothetical countdown to the midnight of a nuclear holocaust.

The disturbing news reports this week on Iran's progress toward enriching uranium remind me of this vestige of the Cold War. The International Atomic Energy Agency says Iran has 630 kilograms of low-enriched uranium. Since about double that amount is needed for a nuclear weapon, and since Iran apparently is enriching about 2.5 kilograms per day, Tehran is about eight months away from having a key ingredient for a bomb. They would still need to enrich the uranium to a higher level to make it weapons-grade, and work to turn the material into a bomb, which take some time.

But the Doomsday Clock is already close to midnight and ticking.

After the failures of the five year European-led diplomatic effort to convince Iran to abandon its nuclear program, with the resulting mild UN sanctions having no meaningful effect, a more radical effort is needed if we wish to avoid a military confrontation or meekly acquiesce to a nuclear-armed Iran.

Today's low oil prices allow us to more easily consider a total economic embargo of Iran - with a boycott of Iran's oil exports the central element of such an effort. The lack of oil export revenues, along with preventing Iran from importing gasoline and shutting the country off from international financial transactions, would be economically devastating to Iran - quickly.

Increased production from Saudi Arabia, and if needed a release of oil from the U.S. Strategic Petroleum, can mitigate the loss of Iran's oil exports - and the current depressed state of the oil market makes this a more viable time to consider such a strategy.

Unless the impact is quick and profound, sanctions and diplomacy will have no realistic chance of stopping Iran; the strategic benefits of being a nuclear power are too great for another "package" of incentives to stop them.

While this approach could lead to war, since Iran may lash out in response, it at least has a chance of success.

Thursday, December 4, 2008

Crisis Redux

The Wall Street Journal is reporting that the U.S. Treasury is considering a plan to lower mortgage rates to 4.5% to new home buyers who qualify for a traditional mortgage (documenting income, etc.) to spur a rise in home prices.

While it is true that falling home prices are driving the financial crisis as it increases defaults on mortgages held by financial institutions, what this proposal entails is artificially propping up asset prices by lowering interest rates.

We need asset prices to fall to those levels that induce buyers to return to the market on their own accord. That is a necessary predicate for recovery to begin.

Actions which defer that reality simply increase the length of this recession and sow the seeds for future financial losses.

Wednesday, December 3, 2008

Promises Made, Promises Broken*

Barack Obama made a central part of his campaign for President his initial opposition to the war in Iraq.

Remarkably, he has chosen for his Vice President and Secretary of State senators who voted for the Iraq war, and has nominated for Secretary of Defense a man who has been waging that war as George Bush's Defense Secretary.

To govern in contradiction to how one campaigns creates a divisive political culture, by misleading voters about one's views and creating or exaggerating divisions.

A profile in courage, it is not.


* An ongoing series that looks at how Barack Obama's campaign rhetoric matches with the reality of his Presidential actions and policies.

The Line of Pigs at the Trough is Out the Door

Governors have joined the bandwagon demanding additional subsidies for their states from the federal government, to which Barack Obama has replied favorably. The budgets of many states ballooned in the recent economic expansion, typically growing much faster than inflation and population growth. With tax revenue declining dramatically, their inflated budgets are now under pressure. If your sugar daddy can plug the gap, so much better than having to cut back.

Auto makers, auto parts suppliers, utilities, railroads, telecoms, and state governments - the line of pigs at the trough is now out the door.

Monday, December 1, 2008

Health Insurance 101

Since health care promises to be a major policy debate in an Obama administration, I plan to write a number of posts on the subject. This first one discusses insurance, one of the most fundamentally misunderstood parts of our health care system.

The first thing to understand is how insurance is priced. Because of its relative simplicity, annual term life insurance provides a good example of insurance pricing. Let's say you purchase a $100,000 term life insurance policy. This means that if you die in the next year, $100,000 is paid to your beneficiaries; if you don't pass away, you get paid nothing.

If actuarial studies suggest someone with your age and other relevant characteristics has a 1% chance of dying in the next year, the expected value of the payment to you is $1,000 - where the expected value is the total payout ($100,000) times the probability of the payout occurring (1%).

So the insurance company needs to charge you at least $1,000 for this insurance policy, to cover their expected insurance payment to you. But they also have to pay administrative costs and earn a profit, so the cost to the consumer needs to be greater than $1,000 - let's say $1,200.

Health insurance, and all insurance, share this basic fact: the cost to the consumer needs to be greater than the expected insurance payment, otherwise the insurance company will lose money and won't offer the policy.

In some ways, insurance is a bad deal for consumers. In the example above, you pay $1,200 to be paid $1,000 on average, for a "loss" of $200. But the key is "on average". You get either $0 or $100,000, and presumably your beneficiaries will need the $100,000 if you pass away (let's say to replace your lost income). Because people are generally risk averse, most are probably willing to lose money on average (the $200 "loss") in order to protect against the risk of a large loss (the income your family no longer has if you die).

Because of this, you ought to buy insurance to protect against large, unexpected losses. For example, although light bulbs burn out at uncertain intervals, their cost is sufficiently low that it doesn't make sense to buy insurance to protect against their demise. Likewise, although an apartment dweller's monthly rent is a very large cost, it is a certain cost. In both cases, you don't want to pay the insurance company's administrative costs/profit for either variable, small losses (light bulbs) or certain large costs (rent).

Another key concept in insurance is moral hazard, which means that a person with insurance may behave differently than if they didn't have insurance - and create more insurance costs than otherwise. While this is a small problem for life insurance and is addressed by preventing payouts for suicide, it is a much bigger problem in health insurance.

For example, if you had to pay the cost of emergency room or doctor's visits out of your own pocket, depending on the nature of your health problem you might choose to see your doctor than go to the more expensive emergency room. If you had an insurance policy that paid 100% of all your costs (as an extreme example), you would bear no direct cost for choosing to go immediately to the emergency room - so you might do so when you wouldn't have without insurance.

Because of this, insurance companies might actually assume that you will incur higher health care spending merely because you have insurance. For example, imagine a health insurance policy that cost $15,000 and paid 100% of all health costs - so the total cost of health care is $15,000 no matter what. Now imagine a second policy that costs $4,000 and has a $10,000 deductible, beyond which insurance pays 100% of all health costs.

This second policy is far better than the first. Why? At most the person pays $14,000 in health care costs ($4,000 for insurance and $10,000 in deductible costs) and very well may pay less (if there are only $2,000 of claims, the total cost for the year is $6,000) - in all cases paying less than $15,000 of certain costs with the first policy.

While my example is hypothetical, the pricing of actual insurance policies can exhibit these characteristics. This can result because of the lack incentives that the first, no deductible policy provides for the insured to minimize health spending.

So here is the point of all this: most health insurance for much of the past 50 years violates these basic principles of insurance. While covering large unexpected costs, health insurance has also typically covered many routine expenditures that may not be both large and unexpected. In doing so, this has given consumers an incentive to over-utilize health care, since if you bear a small portion of the direct cost of providing desired health care, you will use more health care than otherwise.

The solution to this problem is to purchase high-deductible health insurance policies. Such policies have only recently started to gain traction due to changes in the tax code.

Why does the tax code enter this discussion? Because the entire discussion above assumes there are no tax benefits between choosing one type of insurance policy over another. But that hasn't been the case. The tax code allows health insurance to be a tax deductible business expense but is not taxable income for the employee, unlike wages/salary/bonus which is a business expense but is taxable income for the employee.

So this means we have had an incentive to take more of our income in the form of tax-free benefits like health care, with the greater the cost of insurance, the higher the tax savings. As we have seen, greater insurance cost corresponds to health insurance with low deductibles and low co-pays - which is the same insurance policy that reduces significantly the incentives of the consumer to minimize health care spending.

And now you have one of the key elements behind skyrocketing health care costs in America.

Saturday, November 29, 2008

Stimulus, Capitalism Style

There is much talk of Barack Obama and the newly enlarged Democratic Congress passing shortly after the inauguration a large stimulus plan, perhaps $500-700 billion, with the expectation that such a plan will mostly rely upon new government spending. This plan shares a key premise with the stimulus plan passed earlier this year, which comprised tax rebates: if the government puts money in people's pockets, it will stimulate economic activity.

The problem with such efforts is that the money has to come from somewhere. Specifically, both efforts are paid for with additional government borrowing, which means there is less money available for other forms of investment or spending. So the impact is not nearly as great as it seems.

Instead, an economic stimulus plan can be crafted that can change the behavior of individuals, businesses, and investors to increase economic activity. An across-the-board cut in all income tax rates, including corporate, capital gains, and dividend tax rates, increases the incentives for everyone to make new investments, start new ventures, and in general work harder - since the payoff from all such efforts is now greater.

Yes, such a tax cut puts money in taxpayers' pockets like a tax rebate or infrastructure spending, but it does much more by encouraging effort and risk-taking - which is the key to stimulating real economic growth.

John McCain did a poor job in the campaign explaining why his plan to cut corporate tax rates was so beneficial. The reason such a tax cut promotes economic growth is simple. When companies make decisions to build a new factory or R&D facility, they compare many variables, all with the goal of maximizing their after-tax income from the investment. If corporate tax rates are reduced for investments in the U.S., then companies (both domestic and international) will be find investments in America more profitable and hence more likely to make such investments in America.

Ireland has experienced dramatic economic growth by using a low corporate tax rate to induce companies to locate operations there. And since the U.S. corporate tax rate is now among the highest in the world, cutting that rate will make investing here more competitive. That will mean more jobs, and more tax revenue, generated in the U.S.

A 30% cut in all such tax rates would cost the government approximately $500 billion, before any stimulating effects of higher economic activity are considered. For individual taxes, the 15% tax bracket would be 10.5%, the 25% tax bracket would become 17.5%, and the 35% tax bracket would be 24.5% - all dropping by 30%. The corporate tax rate of 35% would be 24.5%, which when adding in state taxes would make it about 29% - higher than many countries but much more competitive than today.

A second important element of a pro-growth stimulus plan is to expand free trade globally, rather than threaten to reduce trade as Barack Obama did during the campaign by suggesting he would change the terms of NAFTA or refuse to approve free trade agreements with Colombia, South Korea, and Panama as the Democratic Congress has done. Approving these trade agreements and in general seeking to expand free trade will send a strong signal of America's commitment to expanding trade - which will encourage economic activity as businesses seek new opportunities that more open trade permits.

A third element of a pro-growth stimulus plan is to look to cut regulations that impede economic activity. The auto industry has long been hamstrung with fuel efficiency standards and limits on rationalizing its dealer network. Reducing or eliminating those restrictions won't immediately solve the auto makers deep woes, but will help - and are an example of the type of constraints that limit business activity throughout the economy.

Lastly, pro-growth government policies would not be attacking businesses and Wall Street to score PR points. Creating an atmosphere of fear is not conducive to executives taking risks on new investments.

All of the above suggestions stand in sharp contrast to the policies pursued during the Great Depression, when taxes were raised significantly; free trade was devastated with high tariffs; new regulations were unleashed; and business leaders were subject to verbal and legal assault.

Contrary to the popular mythology of the New Deal, all of these policies exacerbated the crisis of the 1930's and prevented a full recovery from occurring for over ten years. After six years of the New Deal, unemployment was about 19% - down from 25% in 1933 but still at depression levels. Note that today's unemployment rate is 6.5%.

Let's not repeat the same mistakes again. Pro-growth policies, consistent with our capitalist heritage, give us the best chance to begin a sustainable recovery.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

Fear and Loathing in Washington, aka The Cover Up

Senator Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) has introduced a bill to treat all over-the-counter derivatives as futures contracts, requiring them to be to be traded on regulated futures exchanges. He seems to prefer to do more when he recently said, "Shouldn't we just outlaw all of these fancy little things?"

This legislation reflects the concern often expressed recently about the complexity of sophisticated new financial instruments, such as credit default swaps. Much has been implied that these are a significant cause of the financial crisis.

Nothing could be further from the truth, and focusing on an incorrect cause deflects attention from the real problem and risks repeating the same mistakes in the future.

Banks and other financial institutions are suffering from enormous losses in the most traditional investment for banks: mortgage loans. As the bubble in housing prices has burst, housing prices have collapsed - and due to the high percentage of a home's purchase price that a mortgage typically represents, the mortgage holder faces severe losses. The traditional arrangement where the mortgage provides 80% of the purchase price illustrates that home buying is really a leveraged buyout (LBO), involving a home instead of a business.

Securitization facilitates the spreading of mortgage loans widely, but doesn't change the basic calculus that the lenders, or investors in loans, suffer if housing prices drop significantly.

So the real question is: why did so many lenders and investors pour money into the housing market, both driving up home prices and lending against the value of those inflated home prices?

For any given investment, people make mistakes all the time and suffer losses - but don't produce an economic crisis. But something more profound and fundamental needs to occur to produce a financial crisis of the depth and breadth across the globe that we are currently witnessing.

The main culprit was the extraordinarily accommodating monetary policy that the Federal Reserve pursued beginning in 2002, reducing its base interest rate to 1.00% - an unprecedented low level. The purpose of such low interest rates was to encourage borrowing, and boy did it ever. Banks could borrow at low rates, and pass on the low interest rates to borrowers.

That's why the Fed lowers interest rates. Alan Greenspan and other Fed officials can't escape that fact.

Such low interest rates, for such a long period of time, encouraged lenders to offer, and borrowers to accept, mortgages with ever more aggressive terms. Mortgages with low interest rates for the first year before later resetting to higher rates became more common.

As example, imagine a family can afford to pay $2,000 a month in mortgage payments. At a 6% interest rate, the size of the mortgage loan would be $333,000. But at a 3% rate, the mortgage loan that monthly payments of $2,000 support is $474,000. And that higher borrowing capacity allowed buyers to offer sellers higher prices as they bid for homes - in this example, the buyer could increase the price by $141,000 and still "afford" the house.

This higher borrowing capacity as a result of low interest rates directly fueled the bubble in home prices.

Of course, once the interest rate reset, the mortgage became unaffordable. And as this happened across the economy, housing prices began to drop. Then, lenders and investors realized their mistake and stopped making such loans, further contracting home prices.

Illustrating this was an economy-wide problem, a similar phenomenon developed in leveraged buyouts of corporations and commercial real estate. Large losses have arisen in those markets too, but are dwarfed in size by the housing market.

Alan Greenspan, the architect of this low interest rate policy, elected to blame banks and investors for not exercising greater discretion in their lending and investment decisions. And some banks, and some investors, elected not to participate in this frenzy and are doing well today. But Greenspan should understand market participants react to signals, and there was no bigger green light flashing "Go" then the extraordinary low interest rates that the Fed pursued.

Back to Washington, you will be hard pressed to find politicians who bemoaned low interest rates at the time. The Wall Street Journal editorial pages did, so it isn't as if this problem wasn't recognized at the time.

Moreover, low interest rates facilitated an important public policy goal - promoting home ownership. Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and other government sponsored entities (GSE) were pushed by activists and Congress to expand lending for subprime mortgages to increase home ownership among less creditworthy borrowers who in the past couldn't qualify for a mortgage.

This added fuel to fire, with the blame squarely on the shoulders of the primarily Democratic politicians who pushed these policies and defended the GSEs against primarily Republican efforts to regulate them to limit the scope of their activities.

So the assault on sophisticated financial instruments represents both the fear of the new, as well as an attempt to deflect scrutiny from the real causes of this crisis.

If this history isn't understood, we are doomed to repeat it.


Tuesday, November 25, 2008

Getting Serious

It is good to see Barack Obama is getting serious about the economic situation. After initial speculation that Obama would announce his economic team quickly after the election to assuage markets, the primary rumors and leaks on cabinet appointments involved key political figures: Hillary Clinton, Bill Richardson, Janet Napolitano, Tom Daschle, and Eric Holder. In most presidential transitions, focusing on political appointments is entirely appropriate - to satisfy supporters, appeal to broader constituencies, and build up the careers of future leaders.

But in the economic turmoil we are facing, such a path raises concerns in markets about the seriousness and direction of the new administration. Witness the 25% drop in the S&P 500 from Election Day to November 20, before the market began to rebound with leaks of well-regarded economic policy appointments including Tim Geithner as Obama's nominee for Treasury secretary.

While the market drop is probably not entirely attributed to concerns over the future direction of the economic policy of a government controlled by Democrats, market confidence clearly ebbed due to the fear of higher taxes, increased regulation, bailouts of the auto makers and other supplicants, potentially radical environmental policies, the weakening of free trade, and the bashing of business leaders.

Confidence in future economic policies, when there is a serious question as to their direction, is an important factor in whether businesses make new investments and consumers commit to large purchases such as homes and cars. If Barack Obama could inspire markets even modestly as compared to how he inspired so many voters during the election, he would go a long way to facilitating a recovery.

Friday, November 21, 2008

Confronting Iran?

The recent collapse in the price of oil eliminates one of the constraints in confronting Iran's nuclear program with a military strike - the fear that such a confrontation would lead to catastrophically high oil prices, which was a significant concern over the past 18 months when oil was racing upward to $145 a barrel.

But unless George Bush stuns the world, it looks likely he will pass on to Barack Obama the burden of confronting Iran militarily.

This is not the outcome one would have predicted in 2002 and 2003, when Bush included Iran in the axis of evil and clearly outlined his rationale for dealing with threats before they materialized - and no threat would be higher on that list than Iran's nuclear ambitions.

But unless Bush delivers a shocker, he will have bowed to the pressure of Democrats and the international community and not degrade or destroy Iran's nuclear program. Moreover, I suspect he sees advantages to Obama having to deal with the issue, betting that Obama will launch a military campaign against Iran rather than risk political devastation in the 2010 or 2012 elections by "letting Iran get the bomb."

Because if Obama does confront Iran with military force, two good things will happen from Bush's perspective. The fundamental tenets of Bush's foreign policy will have been adopted by the Democrats. And it will begin the political rehabilitation of Bush and his legacy.

I think this scenario, more than any other, is what Joe Biden had in mind during the campaign when he told supporters that Obama might surprise them, and would need their patience and support, when dealing with a foreign policy crisis.

All things considered, I think George Bush will win this bet.

Congress is Hurting Big Three By Offering Hope of a Bailout

Congress is doing GM no favors by offering the hope of a bailout but not providing one.

Here's why.

In better credit markets, bankrupt companies can often obtain debtor-in-possession ("DIP") financing which allows a company to obtain a new loan to fund its operations in bankruptcy. Because the DIP market has dried up in the credit crisis, GM needs to use its own cash balances to provide liquidity in bankruptcy. Each day GM delays in filing is another day of losses draining its cash reserves - hence the need for an immediate Chapter 11 filing.

So if there were no hope of a bailout, GM would most likely have already declared bankruptcy, to preserve as much of its cash as possible to give it the best chance of emerging from Chapter 11 as a profitable company.

On balance, Congress is hurting GM's chances of survival with its talk of a bailout.

Thursday, November 20, 2008

GM Admits it Makes Lower Quality Cars

One of GM's arguments to support a bailout is that if it declares bankruptcy, consumers won't buy its cars for fear that GM won't be able to satisfy warranty claims.

If GM's cars are so bad that buyers won't buy them without a strong warranty, that sounds like a compelling case against a bailout.

Viva La Revolucion!

Which political figure said: “You never want a serious crisis to go to waste”?

a. George Bush
b. Adolph Hitler
c. Vladimir Putin
d. Hugo Chavez
e. Rahm Emanuel

If you said George Bush, then you are probably a lefty who thinks George Bush used 9/11 as an excuse to invade Iraq, destroy civil liberties, and win elections.

If you said Hitler, Putin, or Chavez, you are probably right – and if you count what they thought, I’m sure you’re correct. Whether it was Hitler taking advantage of the Depression to rise to power, Putin using a Moscow apartment bombing to launch the second war against Chechnya, or Chavez ranting against America to tighten his grip over Venezuela, tyrants have often used a crisis (real or manufactured) to expand their power.

But the correct answer is Rahm Emanuel, Barack Obama's Chief of Staff, in a Tuesday meeting. It was said when discussing Obama's desire to impose draconian reductions in greenhouse emissions, which will have a deeply negative impact on economic growth. And if it speaks to a broader mindset, it is one of the more disturbing comments I have ever heard in American politics.

We need good policies based on sound judgment that are consistent with preserving and enhancing our liberty - not radical measures to reshape society that couldn't pass without the fear and anxiety that economic difficulties can induce.

The Line of Pigs at the Trough Gets Even Longer

Even more industries are lining up for government tax breaks or spending to fund normal business investment as discussed in the Wall Street Journal.

Railroads are lobbying for new tax incentives to expand tracks to ease congestion. Utilities want incentives to expand the transmission grid. Telecommunications firms want tax breaks to expand broadband service. All of this falls under the rubric of "infrastructure" but is really private firms looking for a subsidy.

In some cases, government regulation may be limiting investment in these areas - in which the case the solution isn't to provide a subsidy, but to remove or modify the constraint.

If the U.S. government doesn't reject an auto bailout, expect ever increasing numbers of companies and industries to look for their turn at the trough.

Tuesday, November 18, 2008

A Whale of an Idea

The Supreme Court's recent decision to allow the U.S. Navy to train in anti-submarine warfare off the California coast, despite the potential harm to whales, led the New York Times to express grave concern with the 5-4 decision, saying:
The Supreme Court showed extreme and troubling deference to the views of the military, deciding to lift two restrictions on the Navy’s use of sonar in training exercises off the California coast.
And what about the Times' "extreme and troubling deference" to the whales?

To make matters worse, modern diesel-electric subs are very quiet and hard to detect with sonar, particular in the waters of the Persian Gulf where high traffic adds to the background noise levels.

With the risk of military confrontation with Iran on the horizon, such training becomes all the more critical.

Monday, November 17, 2008

The Line of Pigs at the Trough Gets Longer

For any who are inclined to support an auto industry bail out, it is important to note there is no logical reason it should be limited to GM, Ford, and Chrylser. There are many auto parts suppliers who are also suffering in the downturn, and sure enough, they are looking for a hand out as covered in today's Wall Street Journal (subscription may be required).

Of course, these companies aren't as famous as the Big Three nor as politically powerful, but if the government agrees to fund the auto makers, the parts' suppliers won't be far behind in securing their piece of the action.

Saturday, November 15, 2008

New York Times to Buy GM?

Today's New York Times has an editorial with its take on an auto bailout. It makes what is now the obligatory points on firing management (which may or may not be a good idea, depending on the willingness of capable executives to step forward in these awful circumstances); not paying dividends to shareholders (they will have to eliminate dividends under any plausible scenario); and limiting executive pay (if the Times wants new management hired, will limiting their pay result in the best people getting hired?).

But the most interesting item of note is the Times' central point, which is that any bailout must require the auto companies to pursue a specific, aggressive plan to improve fuel efficiency. This perfectly demonstrates the Times' hubris, as well as the multi-decade effort to impose public policy objectives on the auto companies which itself has contributed to their current predicament.

For the Big Three to have any chance of survival, they must be solely focused on returning to profitability. Perhaps that does mean building the most fuel efficient cars they can, if that is what consumers want. But if it means building trucks and SUVs, so be it.

Consumer demand is fickle, and the enthusiasm earlier this year for fuel efficiency was clearly influenced by record high gas prices. The recent drop in gas prices has already led to a shift in demand toward trucks/SUVs. Misjudging this is costly. As example, Ford indicated the other day it cut truck production too much in the third quarter, adding to its losses.

For decades, the auto companies' role in the economy led to the imposition of many regulatory constraints to achieve public policy goals, the most prominent of which has been government imposed fuel efficiency standards (known as CAFE). Adding to this burden, and in a less well-known aspect of CAFE, the CAFE rules count each company's fuel efficiency for its domestic production separate from its imported production. This was done to help the UAW keep jobs in the U.S. by giving auto makers an incentive to make smaller, more fuel efficient cars in the U.S. to offset the lower fuel efficiency of truck/SUV production- since without this rule, the auto companies would have had an incentive to shift production of smaller cars overseas where they could be made more cheaply (and hence more profitably).

In other words, this rule cut into auto companies' profits, and encouraged them to substitute cheaper components in these unprofitable cars to lessen the losses imposed on them. This only exacerbated their reputation for making lower quality cars, further adding to its woes.

If the Big Three have a chance of survival for the long-run, these constraints and others need to be revised or eliminated.

It is remarkable that the Times' ideological commitment to an environmental agenda is so strong that, even with the Big Three teetering on bankruptcy, it believes that is the most important issue to push at this time. As to the Times' hubris, perhaps its controlling shareholder, the Sulzberger family, wants to make an investment in an auto company. Then they can put their money where their mouth is and run GM anyway they see fit.

Secretary of State

I have long believed the President's cabinet should reflect a greater number of the leading politicians from the President's party, particularly in the roles of Secretary of State and Defense. So in that context, I'm pleased to see that Hillary Clinton and Bill Richardson are being discussed as possible choices for Secretary of State in an Obama administration.

Beginning with George Washington's administration, the Secretary of State was a leading political figure, as evidenced by how many became President shortly after: Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, Martin Van Buren, and James Buchanan. Of the first seven Presidents after Washington, five served as Secretary of State, usually in the next administration. And the exceptions included political heavyweights like Henry Clay who could have become President.

In recent years, the pattern has been replaced with a new one: the Secretary of State as a foreign policy specialist, as exemplified by figures such as Dean Rusk, Henry Kissinger, Madeleine Albright, and Condoleezza Rice. And concurrent with this change, the position of Vice President evolved into the best platform for becoming the next President.

No doubt the complexity of maintaining relations with nearly 200 countries, in the context of high international tension in the Cold War, contributed to the desire to have specialists for the State Department.

But I see this as a lost opportunity to vest more of the leading political figures in the country with executive responsibility. It is easy to be a critic, where one can often get away with opposition or ducking hard issues - executive responsibility, and the prospect of holding it, may temper the criticism with a healthy respect for the need to make a decision amongst difficult choices.

Moreover, I like the additional experience that implementing the nation's foreign policy provides the leading politicians if and when they run for President. It also adds to the competitive landscape, rather than simply leaving the Vice President as best positioned to be the standard bearer for the party. And for those who worry about the loss of specialist knowledge, the National Security Advisor can be staffed to provide that perspective.

If Hillary Clinton or Bill Richardson gets the nod, it will be interesting to see if it begins a new, old tradition.

Friday, November 14, 2008

To Lend or Not to Lend, That is the Question

A day doesn't pass without a politician or pundit bemoaning the banking industry for not "doing more" to lend the money the government recently invested in leading banks.

What's stunning about this pressure is that it threatens to weaken the banks at the very time they need strengthening - as if the lessons of the financial crisis not only haven't been learned but are completely misunderstood.

Simply stated, the banks would lend the money if they thought it was profitable to do so. The only way you don't believe that is if you don't believe banks prefer to make as much money as they can.

If they aren't lending of their own volition but are pressured to do so, then they will be making loans that are at greater risk of losing money - and poor asset quality and underperforming loans are the proximate cause of the current financial crisis.

So we all have a profound interest in seeing the banks make good, sound loans. Anything less will drag out the crisis and delay the recovery.

What's happening is that the government's equity investment in the banks replenishes capital that was lost. Without the new capital, the banks would have to reduce the assets or loans they currently have outstanding.

So the government investment is increasing the amount of loans the banks can hold, as compared to not having the new investment.

And since the banks couldn't sell their current loans due to a lack of a market for them, the lack of new capital would likely lead to a run on banks and precipitate a true financial collapse.

And that's how a recession can become a depression.

So here's to hoping the banks become financially strong, soon.

Thursday, November 13, 2008

Market Prices

On Fox New this morning, one of the hosts articulated what has become a common refrain regarding the financial crisis: criticism of the bonuses to be paid at the end of this year to bank employees. Paraphrasing Brian Kilmeade, he said, "It is crazy that Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley are going to pay $6 billion in bonuses at the end of this year."

If you watch the show, one gets the sense Kilmeade is a conservative, and this goes to show you that conservatives don't always (or for that matter don't often) understand free market principles.

It is very simple: if the banks pay below market compensation to its employees - many employees will leave, particularly the better ones. Yes, even in this market. If they are literally paid no bonuses, the firms would collapse. So does the departure of their best employees help these firms get out of their hole? Will this increase the chances of the government making money on its recent investments in these firms? Would you really prefer, and think we are all better off, if the people who ran these firms and filled their ranks were the employees who were attracted to below market compensation?

Of course not.

The flip side of this issue, paying above market compensation, can be seen at the auto companies - where the companies are teetering on the verge of bankruptcy in substantial part due to the above market compensation employees made in the past and today.

Market wages, like all prices, embed a great deal of information in them. Ignore them at your own peril.

Why this Blog

As the title of this blog suggests, its postings will be guided by the principles of the Declaration of Independence: the inalienable rights all of us equally hold, under a government established to secure these rights.

These words informed the basis of a revolution over two centuries ago, and have lost their importance as a guiding principle for public debate and policy today.

The scope of our governments' powers, and the existence of, and response to, the current economic crisis, sadly illustrate this all too well.